The New York Times :Tensions and apathy color Bahrain elections

Tensions and apathy color Bahrain elections
By Hassan M. Fattah
The New York Times
One is a former banker who has been smeared as a “Godless communist.” Another is a Shiite cleric who previously boycotted the system he now hopes to join. Another has been detained twice by security officials, accused of ties to Al Qaeda.
They are among 200 candidates vying for seats in Bahrain’s 40-member Parliament, promising better housing, jobs and services in this tiny island kingdom off the eastern coast of Saudi Arabia.
Almost all, however, have bluntly warned their supporters not to expect much political change in the process.
Tensions and apathy color Bahrain elections
By Hassan M. Fattah
The New York Times
One is a former banker who has been smeared as a “Godless communist.” Another is a Shiite cleric who previously boycotted the system he now hopes to join. Another has been detained twice by security officials, accused of ties to Al Qaeda.
They are among 200 candidates vying for seats in Bahrain’s 40-member Parliament, promising better housing, jobs and services in this tiny island kingdom off the eastern coast of Saudi Arabia.
Almost all, however, have bluntly warned their supporters not to expect much political change in the process.
Bahrain goes to the polls Saturday to elect a new four-year Parliament in an atmosphere clouded by sectarianism and disillusionment. Despite all the posters, free food and mudslinging, many candidates have sought to temper expectations of them after a series of scandals and failed reforms served to heighten sectarian tensions and left many apathetic about the country’s politics.
“When I speak to supporters, I feel I have to acknowledge, yes, not much is going to change,” said Sheik Ali Salman, a candidate and the head of Al Wefaq, the leading Bahraini opposition movement, which is predominantly Shiite and is vying for 17 seats in Parliament. “But I emphasize that you are better off having someone looking out for your interests within the system, even if he wins only small victories.”
Bahrain became a model of reform in the Arab world after King Hamad al- Khalifa ended a 25-year state of emergency, averting a civil war and promising to turn Bahrain into a constitutional monarchy with an elected Parliament.
But the euphoria wore off when, two years later, the king broke his promises and imposed a Constitution establishing a second, appointed legislative house that significantly curtailed the power of the elected one. Redrawing of districts ensured a Sunni advantage in the elected house, too, prompting the mainly Shiite opposition to boycott elections in 2002.
Since then, Bahrain’s Shiite majority has increasingly been sidelined, and it has alleged that the government has backed Sunni Islamists and encouraged sectarian politics. An effort to naturalize Sunnis from Saudi Arabia, Jordan, India, Pakistan and elsewhere has fueled allegations that the government is seeking to reduce the Shiite majority.
Many of these suspicions were confirmed two months ago when a government adviser published a report outlining a conspiracy to undermine the Shiites by senior government officials, including members of the royal family.
Sunni lawmakers, meanwhile, have accused Shiites of having an ulterior agenda, emboldened by a Shiite revival in the Middle East and a more aggressive Iran. They insist that Shiite demands have more to do with divisive politics than with solving Bahrain’s problems.